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We found 48 books in our category 'AGRICULTURE'

We found 3 news items

We found 48 books

ABEL Wilhelm
Crises agraires en Europe ( XIIIe - XXe siècle) (traduction de Agrarkrisen und Agrarkonjunktur - 1966)
Nouvelle bibliothèque scientifique dirigée par Fernand Braudel. Broché, In-8, 459 pp., avec des graphiques et des tableaux (prix du seigle dans différents pays, prix du blé en Europe et en Amérique), bibliographie, index. Traduit de la 2e édition allemande, revue et augmentée. Abel (1904-1985) fut le directeur de l'Institut d'Histoire Economique et Sociale de l'univ de Göttingen. Autres ouvrages d'Abel: Die Wüstungen des ausgehenden Mittelalters; Agrarpolitik; Geschichte der deutschen Landwirtschaft vom frühen Mittelalter bis zum 19. Jahrhundert; Der Pauperismus in Deutschland am Vorabend der industriellen Revolution; Massenarmut und Hungerkrisen im vorindustriellen Europa; Stufen der Ernährung. Eine historische Skizze; Strukturen und Krisen der spätmittelalterlichen Wirtschaft. Etude importante en histoire quantitative.
ABEL Wilhelm@ wikipedia
€ 20.0
AULD S.J.M
Practical agricultural chemistry
Hardcover, in-8, 243 pp., index



AULD S.J.M@ wikipedia
€ 15.0
Belgische Boerenbond
100 jaar Boerenbond in beeld 1890-1990
Softcover, 4to, Illustrated, 197 pp.
Belgische Boerenbond @ wikipedia
€ 10.0
BLINK H. Dr
Geschiedenis van den boerenstand en den landbouw in Nederland. Een studie van de ontwikkeling der economische, maatschappelijke en agrarische toestanden, voornamelijk ten plattenlande. (2 delen = volledig!)
Hardcover, gebonden in bruine percaline banden met goudopdruk op de rug, 2 delen, viii + 352 en viii + 564 pp. Multidisciplinaire pionierstudie met aandacht voor elk facet van de landbouw, ook voor de wisselende eigendomsverhoudingen van de landbouwgronden. Hendrik Blink (°De Wijk, 12/2/1852 +Den Haag, 26/12/1931) studeerde te Parijs en te Straatsburg en was ondermeer buitengewoon hoogleraar (en grondlegger van de) economische geografie aan de Hogere Landbouwschool te Wageningen (1918-1923). Zijn belangrijkste bijdrage aan de economische geografie in Nederland was het initiatief voor de oprichting van de Nederlandse Vereniging voor Economische Geografie in 1909 met daaraan verbonden het Tijdschrift voor Economische Geografie (na 1948 het TESG), het eerste op dit gebied in de wereld.
BLINK H. Dr@ wikipedia
€ 120.0
BLOCH Marc
Les caractères originaux de l'histoire rurale française. Tome I. (1931)
nouvelle édition, 5e tirage, 265 pp. 18 planches hors texte. Collection: Économies, sociétés, civilisation.
BLOCH Marc@ wikipedia
€ 20.0
BOEKEMA Frans, VAN BRUSSEL Judith (red.)
Theoretische en empirische aspecten van Plattelandsvernieuwing
Pb, in-8, 109 pp., bibl.
BOEKEMA Frans, VAN BRUSSEL Judith (red.)@ wikipedia
€ 15.0
COLLECTIF, STENGERS Jean, DELATTRE Jean-Luc, KURGAN-VAN HENTENRYK Ginette, [HOEBANX]
La Belgique rurale du moyen-age à nos jours. Mélanges offerts à Jean-Jacques Hoebanx.
Broché, In-8, 435 pp, 14 planches de reprod. en noir et coul, cartes et tableaux en noir dans le texte. Bibliographie.
Dans sa contribution Jean Stengers écrit: 'L'influence, la puissance électorale des grands propriétaires fonciers, est un thème qui a surgi dès les débuts de notre indépendance. Son importance est grande; il a contribué à déterminer la forme même de nos institutions. C'est à ce facteur que l'on doit dans une bonne mesure, en effet, l'existence du Sénat.' (p.356-357)
COLLECTIF, STENGERS Jean, DELATTRE Jean-Luc, KURGAN-VAN HENTENRYK Ginette, [HOEBANX]@ wikipedia
€ 25.0
DE GROOTE Christine
Gids voor tuinen in België (2de herziene editie)
Pb met flappen, grote in-8, 303 pp., foto's in kleur, plannetjes, luchtfotografie, index op eigenaar, bibliografie. Toont en bespreekt 350 prachttuinen en parken, met aandacht voor historiek. Vaak gaat het om tuinen van kastelen en behoren de eigenaars tot de adel. Opbouw: per provincie met liggingsplan. In deze herziene editie beantwoordt het boek aan al de criteria die gelden voor een goede gids.
DE GROOTE Christine@ wikipedia
€ 10.0
DEVISCH Noël, VAN OUTRYVE Jacques (red.)
Waar is die boer gebleven? Landbouw als het canvas van de maatschappij.
Pb, in-12, 133 pp. Bevat in de bijlagen de kerncijfers van de landbouw in Vlaanderen (statistieken 2006). In België wordt 70% van de landbouwgrond gepacht; 30% is eigendom van de landbouwer. (zie p. 41) ND was van 1996 tot 2008 voorzitter van de Boerenbond; hij werd in die functie opgevolgd door Piet Vanthemsche (die in 2012 baron werd)
DEVISCH Noël, VAN OUTRYVE Jacques (red.)@ wikipedia
€ 15.0
DHAENE Leon
Boeren en Burgers. Sociale geschiedenis van het negentiende eeuwse platteland. Zingem 1796-1900.
Gebrocheerd, 15x21cm, 320 pp. Illustraties: 41 ZW-foto's, 27 grafieken, 2 kaarten, 9 figuren, 75 tabellen. Woord vooraf: Prof. H. Balthazar, Woord apart: Prof. Hannes. Hoogstaand studiewerk van een eminent historicus, in de ban van zijn onderwerp. In 1982 studeerde hij af op "Van thuiswerker tot arbeider", een werk over sociale reconversie in de XIXde e. Het hier gepresenteerde boek wordt gevoed door diepgaande archiefstudie. De auteur weet de bevindingen over Zingem (gelegen tussen Gent en Oudenaarde) in een bredere Vlaamse en Belgische context te plaatsen en biedt verklaringen aan voor de relatief late industrialisatie van Vlaanderen nadat de proto-industrie er tijdens de 19de eeuw zo goed als vernietigd was. Besteedt ook aandacht aan het grote analfabetisme, wat een culturele en sociale achterstand opleverde. Ook de dominante politieke rol van de grootgrondbezitters (132,5 ha en 56 huizen in 1845), de familie Amelot, wordt uitvoerig belicht. In 1895 bezit deze familie nog 113 ha en 75 huizen. (p. 229) De auteur schrijft genuanceerd en hanteert een vlotte taal.
DHAENE Leon@ wikipedia
€ 30.0
GOOSSENS Martine, VAN DER WEE Herman (Preface)
The Economic Development of Belgian Agriculture: a Regional Perspective (1812-1846)
Pb, 443 pp., 16x24cm, important bibliography, 68 tables, 19 graphs, 2 maps (The Belgian territorial framework in the French period; Soil regions in Belgium). ISBN 90 6186 541 7 From the general conclusion: "The main purpose of this study was to identify, analyze and explain the regional development of Belgian agriculture in the first half of the nineteenth century. In a first part, the early nineteenth century agricultural product for the different regions was calculated. This resulted in a detailed database covering for the different regions important agricultural variables as land occupation, grain yields - i.e. the yearly production of meat, dairy products, skins and wool - the total agricultural output and the growth figure between those years. The second and third parts of the study are dedicated to an analysis and explanation of the early-nineteenth century agricultural development process in regional perspective. The results of the study shed new light on the question whether the Belgian Industrial Revolution was preceded by an Agricultural Revolution. This research enabled to fill an important gap in post-war Belgian agricultural history." Important work!
GOOSSENS Martine, VAN DER WEE Herman (Preface)@ wikipedia
€ 55.0
JANSEN H.P.H. Dr
Landbouwpacht in Brabant in de 14e en 15e eeuw
Softcover, gebrocheerd, 140 pp. Bevat een vergelijking van contracten in de regio Den Bosch (Noord-Brabant) met die van de regio Leuven (Zuid-Brabant). De bijlagen bevatten 23 transcripties van contracten. Pionierstudie over dit onderwerp.
JANSEN H.P.H. Dr @ wikipedia
€ 30.0
JOIGNEAUX M.P., MOREAU M.C.
Dictionnaire d'agriculture pratique (2 vol = complèt!)
Hardcover, in-8, relié, dos à quatre nerfs, 2 vols (A-K & L-Z), 832 + 688 pp., qqs illustrations dans le texte.
JOIGNEAUX M.P., MOREAU M.C.@ wikipedia
€ 80.0
JONGERDEN Joost ir, RUIVENKAMP Guido dr
Patronen van verscheidenheid. Een verkennend onderzoek naar de afname van agro-biodiversiteit in Nederland en naar diverse initiatieven om agro-biodiversiteit binnen en buiten agro-industriële productieketens te bevorderen.
Pb, 246 pp. Met bibliografie. Deze studie pleit voor biodiversiteit en roept op tot bezinning over bulkproductie. De westerse landbouw moet een regionale markt voeden met kwalitatief hoogstaande producten. De problematiek van de Genenbank en de typische ketenstructuur van de relatie landbouwer-consument worden besproken. Studie roept op tot actie en doet concrete AANBEVELINGEN inzake selectie en veredeling, relatie boer en milieu, verwerkende industrie. Het kunstmest, ingevoerd rond 1880, heeft een fundamentele rol gespeeld in de structuur van de landbouwbedrijven en heeft de monocultuur geactiveerd. De auteurs tonen aan hoe de ruilverkaveling het landschap heeft aangetast: de ideale landbouwgrond diende vrij te zijn van houtwallen en andere 'obstakels'; eentonigheid ('le vide') is het gevolg. De nadruk ligt op de INTERDEPENDENTIE van de systemen en de te nemen maatregelen. Het proces is niet irreversibel en hoop op beterschap is gewettigd maar dit vergt politieke moed, kennis van zaken (ook van historische ontwikkelingen inzake landbouw, mechanisering en ruimtelijk beleid) en visie. Aanbevolen!
JONGERDEN Joost ir, RUIVENKAMP Guido dr@ wikipedia
€ 32.0
KINT Ph. (Promotor: P.M.M. Klep)
Prometheus aangevuurd door Demeter. De economische ontwikkeling van de landbouw In Oost-Vlaanderen 1815-1850.
Gebrocheerd, geïllustreerde uitgeversomslag, 16,5x24cm., 459 pp., tabellen, statistieken, kaartjes (gemeenten waar daglonen daalden in de periode 1830-1846), omvangrijke bibliografie. Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van Doctor in de Letteren. Kint (°Amsterdam, 9/10/1947). In zijn inleiding wijst K. erop dat OVL in 1815 de belangrijkste en dichtstbevolkte provincie van het land was: landbouw én katoennijverheid. Toegevoegd: bespreking en samenvatting van dit doctoraat in BTNG, XX, 1989, 3-4.
KINT Ph. (Promotor: P.M.M. Klep)@ wikipedia
€ 25.0
KLEP P.M.M. Drs
Groeidynamiek en Stagnatie in een Agrarisch Grensgebied. De economische ontwikkeling in de Noordantwerpse Kempen en de Baronie van Breda, 1750-1850.
Hardcover, gebonden, linnen, 211 pp. Verschenen als deel 26 in de serie 'Bijdragen tot de Geschiedenis van het Zuiden van Nederland.
KLEP P.M.M. Drs@ wikipedia
€ 20.0
La Défense Agricole Belge
Almanach 1935
Broché, in-8, 128 pp., illustrations et publicité. Rare !
La Défense Agricole Belge@ wikipedia
€ 10.0
LAGIER Rosine
Il y a un siècle ... La France paysanne
Hardcover, small 4to, 168 pp. Photos et anciennes cartes postales. Bel ouvrage de la maison d'Edition Ouest-France.
Le paysan de 1900 vit et travaille dans une France en pleine mutation : machinisme, nouvelles techniques de culture et d'élevage, création d'un ministère spécifique et de maisons de l'agriculture, vulgarisation de l'enseignement agricole pour garçons et filles, naissance du Crédit Agricole font évoluer la vie quotidienne, les mentalités et les coutumes. C'est à travers des documents inédits que la vie paysanne et rurale est retracée, nous permettant de retrouver nos racines et de comprendre comment le paysan d'hier est devenu l'agriculteur d'aujourd'hui.
LAGIER Rosine@ wikipedia
€ 25.0
MENDRAS Henri
Sociologie de la campagne française
Poche, 124 pp. Que sais-je? n° 842
MENDRAS Henri@ wikipedia
€ 10.0
NEVEUX Hugues
Les Révoltes Paysannes en Europe. XIVe - XVIIe siècle.
Pocket, 327 pp., index, bibliographie, chronologie
NEVEUX Hugues@ wikipedia
€ 10.0

We found 3 news items

Article 201411181817: Land and Dignity in Paraguay
DUCKWORTH Cheryl Lynn
Land and Dignity in Paraguay
ID: 201411181817
Hardcover



Land and Dignity in Paraguay analyzes the sociopolitical mobilization around land rights of the indigenous communities in this country.

Throughout Paraguay, indigenous communities have seen their lands sold to private agriculture business, in addition to being subjected to arrests, intimidation, and torture. Since the fall of Stroessner’s dictatorship in 1989, these communities have been organizing to oppose neoliberal policies, especially that of land privatization. Such mobilization nearly always coalesces around an organizing frame, and the prominence of dignity in the framing of the Paraguayan movement is clear.

Drawing on media coverage and extensive interviews with indigenous leaders, civil society leaders, and government officials, the book argues that active social mobilization developed around the dignity frame and concludes by looking at the implications for conflict resolution processes and for Paraguay’s new democracy.

A unique case study, Land and Dignity in Paraguay will interest anyone studying indigenous politics, Latin American politics, as well as issues of development and human rights.

see also: Land Tenure in Paraguay
Land: PRY
MEUWISSEN Eric
Il y a juste deux siècles, le tiers de la superficie du Brabant wallon changeait de propriétaire suite à des opérations immobilières inouïes
ID: 199801170634
Le Soir, Samedi 17 janvier 1998, Page 37
Les bourgeois de Bruxelles ont roulé les paysans du cru
Une « opération satanique d'anticléricaux» aux origines de l'implantation de la bourgeoisie bruxelloise dans le Brabant wallon ? Pas si simple.
Les touristes qui visitent l'abbaye de Villers se demandent souvent pourquoi ce site jadis si opulent est devenu une telle ruine ? Et pourquoi les bois qui ceinturent Villers appartiennent à la famille Boël qui règne encore, au départ de la ferme du Chenois (notre photo), sur un domaine de plus de 2.000 ha ?
La réponse se trouve tout simplement dans la vente des biens nationaux. A savoir la vente dans la foulée de la Révolution française de biens d'origine ecclésiastique (2.885 ha pour l'abbaye de Villers par exemple). Une vente sur laquelle l'historien François Antoine (30 ans) s'est penché à travers sa thèse de doctorat (ULB) (1). Elle nous permet de mieux comprendre pourquoi par la suite le Brabant wallon fut plus que n'importe qu'elle autre région, placé dans une grande dépendance à l'égard de Bruxelles et comment il généra des flux financiers des campagnes vers la ville, de l'agriculture vers l'industrie. Bref, une étude très fouillée (dont nous n'abordons ici qu'un des nombreux aspects) et qui nous donne une des explications de la présence de grandes propriétés foncières en Brabant wallon. Des grandes propriétés qui ne furent pas étrangères à l'installation de l'UCL à Ottignies, ou encore à la concentration anormalement élevée de golfs dans la nouvelle province.
«UNE ORGIE FINANCIÈRE»
On y apprend ainsi qu'entre 1796 et 1801 plus de 30.000 hectares ont changé de mains en Brabant wallon ! Cela équivaut au tiers de la superficie de la région (Genappe détient le pompon avec plus de 3.400 ha vendus, suivi de Braine-l'Alleud 2.772 ha, Jodoigne 2.431 ha, Grez 2.379 ha...). Une incroyable mutation foncière qui a eu pour conséquence de transférer la grande propriété des mains des abbayes à celles de la bourgeoisie bruxelloise. Certains historiens évoquèrent «une opération satanique d'anticléricaux» venus de France dilapider les plus beaux joyaux de nos régions. D'autres parlèrent de «véritables orgies financières». A chaque fois, l'historien fait la part des choses même s'il ne cache pas que ces ventes donnèrent lieu à des spéculations scandaleuses, effrénées et extrêmement lucratives qui permirent aux plus «audacieux» de se constituer en quelques années des fortunes colossales. Que l'on pense au fameux Mosselman, ancêtre de la reine Paola, à Maximilien Plovits, né sans fortune, et bientôt propriétaire d'une partie du couvent des Carmes à Wavre et de la ferme de Mellemont à Thorembais...
Cette vente des biens nationaux eut pour conséquence de maintenir le «régime des grandes fermes» puisque la plupart des grands ensembles agricoles ont été aliénés en bloc. Le résultat en fut le maintien en Brabant wallon des structures rurales d'Ancien Régime et l'émergence d'une agriculture de type capitaliste. Nous sommes là aux antipodes des aspirations jacobines de redistribution de la propriété foncière à l'avantage de la paysannerie. Paradoxe d'une révolution !
DU CASH POUR MONTER DES AFFAIRES
La grande bourgeoisie bruxelloise put grâce à ce tranfert de propriété préparer sa mainmise politique et économique sur tout le XIXe siècle. La classe des négociants manufacturiers est ainsi parvenue à utiliser les biens ecclésiastiques sis en Brabant wallon notamment comme un puissant levier pour favoriser leur passage du négoce à l'industrie. En d'autres mots, les biens nationaux permirent aux bourgeois d'avoir du cash pour monter des affaires.
Prenons le cas de Daniel-Patrice Hennesy qui réinvestit ses profits en acquérant par exemple les papeteries de La Hulpe ou de Pierre-François Tiberghien qui convertit en vastes ensembles industriels textiles l'abbaye d'Heylissem. Dès lors, on ne s'étonnera pas de voir que ce sont ces grands acheteurs de biens nationaux (ou leurs fils) qui «mirent la main» sur la Société Générale et qui contrôlèrent l'économie du pays durant une bonne partie du XIXe siècle. Le meilleur exemple étant celui du châtelain d'Argenteuil, Ferdinand de Meuûs, gouverneur de la Société Générale, et dont le père fut un des « fossoyeurs du monachisme» pour reprendre une expression imagée et polémique de l'époque.
ERIC MEUWISSEN
(1) François Antoine : «La vente des biens nationaux dans le département de la Dyle». Archives Générales du Royaume. 1997. 545 pages. 850 F. Renseignements : 02-513.76.80.
Che Guevara
Che Guevara: laatste speech in Algiers; vermeldt België als neocolonialistisch land; Congo
ID: 196502242001
Spoken: February 24, 1965
First Published:
Source: The Che Reader, Ocean Press, © 2005.
Translated: unknown.
Transcription/Markup: Ocean Press/Brian Baggins

This speech was delivered at the Second Economic Seminar of Afro-Asian Solidarity. The conference, held in Algiers, Algeria, was attended by representatives from 63 African and Asian governments, as well as 19 national liberation movements. The meeting was opened by Algerian President Ahmed Ben Bella. Cuba was invited as an observer to the conference, and Guevara served on its presiding committee.

Cuba is here at this conference to speak on behalf of the peoples of Latin America.[19] As we have emphasized on other occasions, Cuba also speaks as an underdeveloped country as well as one that is building socialism.

It is not by accident that our delegation is permitted to give its opinion here, in the circle of the peoples of Asia and Africa.[20] A common aspiration unites us in our march toward the future: the defeat of imperialism. A common past of struggle against the same enemy has united us along the road.

This is an assembly of peoples in struggle, and the struggle is developing on two equally important fronts that require all our efforts. The struggle against imperialism, for liberation from colonial or neocolonial shackles, which is being carried out by means of political weapons, arms, or a combination of the two, is not separate from the struggle against backwardness and poverty. Both are stages on the same road leading toward the creation of a new society of justice and plenty.

It is imperative to take political power and to get rid of the oppressor classes. But then the second stage of the struggle, which may be even more difficult than the first, must be faced.

Ever since monopoly capital took over the world, it has kept the greater part of humanity in poverty, dividing all the profits among the group of the most powerful countries. The standard of living in those countries is based on the extreme poverty of our countries. To raise the living standards of the underdeveloped nations, therefore, we must fight against imperialism. And each time a country is torn away from the imperialist tree, it is not only a partial battle won against the main enemy but it also contributes to the real weakening of that enemy, and is one more step toward the final victory. There are no borders in this struggle to the death. We cannot be indifferent to what happens anywhere in the world, because a victory by any country over imperialism is our victory, just as any country's defeat is a defeat for all of us. The practice of proletarian internationalism is not only a duty for the peoples struggling for a better future, it is also an inescapable necessity.

If the imperialist enemy, the United States or any other, carries out its attack against the underdeveloped peoples and the socialist countries, elementary logic determines the need for an alliance between the underdeveloped peoples and the socialist countries. If there were no other uniting factor, the common enemy should be enough.[21]

Of course, these alliances cannot be made spontaneously, without discussions, without birth pangs, which sometimes can be painful. We said that each time a country is liberated it is a defeat for the world imperialist system. But we must agree that the break is not achieved by the mere act of proclaiming independence or winning an armed victory in a revolution. It is achieved when imperialist economic domination over a people is brought to an end. Therefore, it is a matter of vital interest to the socialist countries for a real break to take place. And it is our international duty, a duty determined by our guiding ideology, to contribute our efforts to make this liberation as rapid and deep-going as possible.

A conclusion must be drawn from all this: the socialist countries must help pay for the development of countries now starting out on the road to liberation. We state it this way with no intention whatsoever of blackmail or dramatics, nor are we looking for an easy way to get closer to the Afro- Asian peoples; it is our profound conviction. Socialism cannot exist without a change in consciousness resulting in a new fraternal attitude toward humanity, both at an individual level, within the societies where socialism is being built or has been built, and on a world scale, with regard to all peoples suffering from imperialist oppression.

We believe the responsibility of aiding dependent countries must be approached in such a spirit. There should be no more talk about developing mutually beneficial trade based on prices forced on the backward countries by the law of value and the international relations of unequal exchange that result from the law of value.[22]

How can it be “mutually beneficial” to sell at world market prices the raw materials that cost the underdeveloped countries immeasurable sweat and suffering, and to buy at world market prices the machinery produced in today's big automated factories?

If we establish that kind of relation between the two groups of nations, we must agree that the socialist countries are, in a certain way, accomplices of imperialist exploitation. It can be argued that the amount of exchange with the underdeveloped countries is an insignificant part of the foreign trade of the socialist countries. That is very true, but it does not eliminate the immoral character of that exchange.

The socialist countries have the moral duty to put an end to their tacit complicity with the exploiting countries of the West. The fact that the trade today is small means nothing. In 1959 Cuba only occasionally sold sugar to some socialist bloc countries, usually through English brokers or brokers of other nationalities. Today 80 percent of Cuba's trade is with that area. All its vital supplies come from the socialist camp, and in fact it has joined that camp. We cannot say that this entrance into the socialist camp was brought about merely by the increase in trade. Nor was the increase in trade brought about by the destruction of the old structures and the adoption of the socialist form of development. Both sides of the question intersect and are interrelated.

We did not start out on the road that ends in communism foreseeing all steps as logically predetermined by an ideology advancing toward a fixed goal. The truths of socialism, plus the raw truths of imperialism, forged our people and showed them the path that we have now taken consciously. To advance toward their own complete liberation, the peoples of Asia and Africa must take the same path. They will follow it sooner or later, regardless of what modifying adjective their socialism may take today.

For us there is no valid definition of socialism other than the abolition of the exploitation of one human being by another. As long as this has not been achieved, if we think we are in the stage of building socialism but instead of ending exploitation the work of suppressing it comes to a halt — or worse, is reversed — then we cannot even speak of building socialism.[23] We have to prepare conditions so that our brothers and sisters can directly and consciously take the path of the complete abolition of exploitation, but we cannot ask them to take that path if we ourselves are accomplices in that exploitation. If we were asked what methods are used to establish fair prices, we could not answer because we do not know the full scope of the practical problems involved. All we know is that, after political discussions, the Soviet Union and Cuba have signed agreements advantageous to us, by means of which we will sell five million tons of sugar at prices set above those of the so-called free world sugar market. The People's Republic of China also pays those prices in buying from us.

This is only a beginning. The real task consists of setting prices that will permit development. A great shift in ideas will be involved in changing the order of international relations. Foreign trade should not determine policy, but should, on the contrary, be subordinated to a fraternal policy toward the peoples.

Let us briefly analyze the problem of long-term credits for developing basic industries. Frequently we find that beneficiary countries attempt to establish an industrial base disproportionate to their present capacity. The products will not be consumed domestically and the country's reserves will be risked in the undertaking.

Our thinking is as follows: The investments of the socialist states in their own territory come directly out of the state budget, and are recovered only by use of the products throughout the entire manufacturing process, down to the finished goods. We propose that some thought be given to the possibility of making these kinds of investments in the underdeveloped countries. In this way we could unleash an immense force, hidden in our continents, which have been exploited miserably but never aided in their development. We could begin a new stage of a real international division of labor, based not on the history of what has been done up to now but rather on the future history of what can be done.

The states in whose territories the new investments are to be made would have all the inherent rights of sovereign property over them with no payment or credit involved. But they would be obligated to supply agreed-upon quantities of products to the investor countries for a certain number of years at set prices.

The method for financing the local portion of expenses incurred by a country receiving investments of this kind also deserves study. The supply of marketable goods on long-term credits to the governments of underdeveloped countries could be one form of aid not requiring the contribution of freely convertible hard currency.

Another difficult problem that must be solved is the mastering of technology. [24] The shortage of technicians in underdeveloped countries is well known to us all. Educational institutions and teachers are lacking. Sometimes we lack a real understanding of our needs and have not made the decision to carry out a top-priority policy of technical, cultural and ideological development.

The socialist countries should supply the aid to organize institutions for technical education. They should insist on the great importance of this and should supply technical cadres to fill the present need. It is necessary to further emphasize this last point. The technicians who come to our countries must be exemplary. They are comrades who will face a strange environment, often one hostile to technology, with a different language and totally different customs. The technicians who take on this difficult task must be, first of all, communists in the most profound and noble sense of the word. With this single quality, plus a modicum of flexibility and organization, wonders can be achieved.

We know this can be done. Fraternal countries have sent us a certain number of technicians who have done more for the development of our country than 10 institutes, and have contributed more to our friendship than 10 ambassadors or 100 diplomatic receptions.

If we could achieve the above-listed points — and if all the technology of the advanced countries could be placed within reach of the underdeveloped countries, unhampered by the present system of patents, which prevents the spread of inventions of different countries — we would progress a great deal in our common task.

Imperialism has been defeated in many partial battles. But it remains a considerable force in the world. We cannot expect its final defeat save through effort and sacrifice on the part of us all.

The proposed set of measures, however, cannot be implemented unilaterally. The socialist countries should help pay for the development of the underdeveloped countries, we agree. But the underdeveloped countries must also steel their forces to embark resolutely on the road of building a new society — whatever name one gives it — where the machine, an instrument of labor, is no longer an instrument for the exploitation of one human being by another. Nor can the confidence of the socialist countries be expected by those who play at balancing between capitalism and socialism, trying to use each force as a counterweight in order to derive certain advantages from such competition. A new policy of absolute seriousness should govern the relations between the two groups of societies. It is worth emphasizing once again that the means of production should preferably be in the hands of the state, so that the marks of exploitation may gradually disappear. Furthermore, development cannot be left to complete improvisation. It is necessary to plan the construction of the new society. Planning is one of the laws of socialism, and without it, socialism would not exist. Without correct planning there can be no adequate guarantee that all the various sectors of a country's economy will combine harmoniously to take the leaps forward that our epoch demands.

Planning cannot be left as an isolated problem of each of our small countries, distorted in their development, possessors of some raw materials or producers of some manufactured or semimanufactured goods, but lacking in most others.[25] From the outset, planning should take on a certain regional dimension in order to intermix the various national economies, and thus bring about integration on a basis that is truly of mutual benefit. We believe the road ahead is full of dangers, not dangers conjured up or foreseen in the distant future by some superior mind but palpable dangers deriving from the realities besetting us. The fight against colonialism has reached its final stages, but in the present era colonial status is only a consequence of imperialist domination. As long as imperialism exists it will, by definition, exert its domination over other countries. Today that domination is called neocolonialism.

Neocolonialism developed first in South America, throughout a whole continent, and today it begins to be felt with increasing intensity in Africa and Asia. Its forms of penetration and development have different characteristics. One is the brutal form we have seen in the Congo. Brute force, without any respect or concealment whatsoever, is its extreme weapon. There is another more subtle form: penetration into countries that win political independence, linking up with the nascent local bourgeoisies, development of a parasitic bourgeois class closely allied to the interests of the former colonizers. This development is based on a certain temporary rise in the people's standard of living, because in a very backward country the simple step from feudal to capitalist relations marks a big advance, regardless of the dire consequences for the workers in the long run.

Neocolonialism has bared its claws in the Congo. That is not a sign of strength but of weakness. It had to resort to force, its extreme weapon, as an economic argument, which has generated very intense opposing reactions. But at the same time a much more subtle form of neocolonialism is being practiced in other countries of Africa and Asia. It is rapidly bringing about what some have called the South Americanization of these continents; that is, the development of a parasitic bourgeoisie that adds nothing to the national wealth of their countries but rather deposits its huge ill-gotten profits in capitalist banks abroad, and makes deals with foreign countries to reap more profits with absolute disregard for the welfare of the people. There are also other dangers, such as competition between fraternal countries, which are politically friendly and sometimes neighbors, as both try to develop the same investments simultaneously to produce for markets that often cannot absorb the increased volume. This competition has the disadvantage of wasting energies that could be used to achieve much greater economic coordination; furthermore, it gives the imperialist monopolies room to maneuver.

When it has been impossible to carry out a given investment project with the aid of the socialist camp, there have been occasions when the project has been accomplished by signing agreements with the capitalists. Such capitalist investments have the disadvantage not only of the terms of the loans but other, much more important disadvantages as well, such as the establishment of joint ventures with a dangerous neighbor. Since these investments in general parallel those made in other states, they tend to cause divisions between friendly countries by creating economic rivalries. Furthermore, they create the dangers of corruption flowing from the constant presence of capitalism, which is very skillful in conjuring up visions of advancement and well-being to fog the minds of many people. Some time later, prices drop in the market saturated by similar products. The affected countries are obliged to seek new loans, or to permit additional investments in order to compete. The final consequences of such a policy are the fall of the economy into the hands of the monopolies, and a slow but sure return to the past. As we see it, the only safe method for investments is direct participation by the state as the sole purchaser of the goods, limiting imperialist activity to contracts for supplies and not letting them set one foot inside our house. And here it is just and proper to take advantage of interimperialist contradictions in order to secure the least burdensome terms.

We have to watch out for “disinterested” economic, cultural and other aid that imperialism grants directly or through puppet states, which gets a better reception in some parts of the world.

If all of these dangers are not seen in time, some countries that began their task of national liberation with faith and enthusiasm may find themselves on the neocolonial road, as monopoly domination is subtly established step by step so that its effects are difficult to discern until they brutally make themselves felt.

There is a big job to be done. Immense problems confront our two worlds — that of the socialist countries and that called the Third World — problems directly concerning human beings and their welfare, and related to the struggle against the main force that bears the responsibility for our backwardness. In the face of these problems, all countries and peoples conscious of their duties, of the dangers involved in the situation, of the sacrifices required by development, must take concrete steps to cement our friendship in the two fields that can never be separated: the economic and the political. We should organize a great solid bloc that, in its turn, helps new countries to free themselves not only from the political power of imperialism but also from its economic power.

The question of liberation by armed struggle from an oppressor political power should be dealt with in accordance with the rules of proletarian internationalism. In a socialist country at war, it would be absurd to conceive of a factory manager demanding guaranteed payment before shipping to the front the tanks produced by his factory. It ought to seem no less absurd to inquire of a people fighting for liberation, or needing arms to defend its freedom, whether or not they can guarantee payment.

Arms cannot be commodities in our world. They must be delivered to the peoples asking for them to use against the common enemy, with no charge and in the quantities needed and available. That is the spirit in which the Soviet Union and the People's Republic of China have offered us their military aid. We are socialists; we constitute a guarantee of the proper utilization of those arms. But we are not the only ones, and all of us should receive the same treatment.

The reply to the ominous attacks by U.S. imperialism against Vietnam or the Congo should be to supply those sister countries with all the defense equipment they need, and to offer them our full solidarity without any conditions whatsoever.

In the economic field we must conquer the road to development with the most advanced technology possible. We cannot set out to follow the long ascending steps from feudalism to the nuclear and automated era. That would be a road of immense and largely useless sacrifice. We have to start from technology at its current level. We have to make the great technological leap forward that will reduce the current gap between the more developed countries and ourselves. Technology must be applied to the large factories and also to a properly developed agriculture. Above all, its foundation must be technological and ideological education, with a sufficient mass base and strength to sustain the research institutes and organizations that have to be created in each country, as well as the men and women who will use the existing technology and be capable of adapting themselves to the newly mastered technology.

These cadres must have a clear awareness of their duty to the society in which they live. There cannot be adequate technological education if it is not complemented by ideological education; without technological education, in most of our countries, there cannot be an adequate foundation for industrial development, which is what determines the development of a modern society, or the most basic consumer goods and adequate schooling. A good part of the national revenues must be spent on so-called unproductive investment in education. And priority must be given to the development of agricultural productivity. The latter has reached truly incredible levels in many capitalist countries, producing the senseless crisis of overproduction and a surplus of grain and other food products or industrial raw materials in the developed countries. While the rest of the world goes hungry, these countries have enough land and labor to produce several times over what is needed to feed the entire world. Agriculture must be considered a fundamental pillar of our development. Therefore, a fundamental aspect of our work should be changes in the agrarian structure, and adaptation to the new technological possibilities and to the new obligations of eliminating the exploitation of human beings.

Before making costly decisions that could cause irreparable damage, a careful survey of the national territory is needed. This is one of the preliminary steps in economic research and a basic prerequisite for correct planning. We warmly support Algeria's proposal for institutionalizing our relations. We would just like to make some supplementary suggestions: First: in order for the union to be an instrument in the struggle against imperialism, the cooperation of Latin American countries and an alliance with the socialist countries is necessary.

Second: we should be vigilant in preserving the revolutionary character of the union, preventing the admission into it of governments or movements not identified with the general aspirations of the people, and creating mechanisms that would permit the separation from it of any government or popular movement diverging from the just road.

Third: we must advocate the establishment of new relations on an equal footing between our countries and the capitalist ones, creating a revolutionary jurisprudence to defend ourselves in case of conflict, and to give new meaning to the relations between ourselves and the rest of the world. We speak a revolutionary language and we fight honestly for the victory of that cause. But frequently we entangle ourselves in the nets of an international law created as the result of confrontations between the imperialist powers, and not by the free peoples, the just peoples, in the course of their struggles.

For example, our peoples suffer the painful pressure of foreign bases established on their territories, or they have to carry the heavy burden of massive foreign debts. The story of these throwbacks is well known to all of us. Puppet governments, governments weakened by long struggles for liberation or the operation of the laws of the capitalist market, have allowed treaties that threaten our internal stability and jeopardize our future. Now is the time to throw off the yoke, to force renegotiation of oppressive foreign debts, and to force the imperialists to abandon their bases of aggression. I would not want to conclude these remarks, this recitation of concepts you all know, without calling the attention of this gathering to the fact that Cuba is not the only Latin American country; it is simply the only one that has the opportunity of speaking before you today. Other peoples are shedding their blood to win the rights we have. When we send our greetings from here, and from all the conferences and the places where they may be held, to the heroic peoples of Vietnam, Laos, so-called Portuguese Guinea, South Africa, or Palestine — to all exploited countries fighting for their emancipation — we must simultaneously extend our voice of friendship, our hand and our encouragement, to our fraternal peoples in Venezuela, Guatemala and Colombia, who today, arms in hand, are resolutely saying “No!” to the imperialist enemy.

Few settings from which to make this declaration are as symbolic as Algiers, one of the most heroic capitals of freedom. May the magnificent Algerian people — schooled as few others in sufferings for independence, under the decisive leadership of its party, headed by our dear compañero Ahmed Ben Bella — serve as an inspiration to us in this fight without quarter against world imperialism.

[19]. Che Guevara delivered this speech at the Second Economic Seminar of Afro- Asian Solidarity, February 24, 1965. He had been touring Africa since December, after addressing the United Nations General Assembly on December 11, 1964. At this crucial time Che was preparing for his involvement in the liberation movement in the Congo, which began in April 1965. This edition of the speech incorporates for the first time corrections made by Che Guevara to the original published version of the Algiers speech. The corrections were made available from the personal archive of Che Guevara held at the Che Guevara Studies Center, Havana.

[20]. Che's participation in the Algiers conference reflects the relationship of Cuba to the Third World. In 1959, following the triumph of the revolution, from June to September, Che embarked on a tour of the countries involved in the Bandung Pact. The Bandung Pact was the precursor to what later became the Movement of Nonaligned Nations. At the First Seminar on Planning in Algeria on July 16, 1963, Che had outlined the experiences of the Cuban Revolution, explaining that he had accepted the invitation to attend “only in order to offer a little history of our economic development, of our mistakes and successes, which might prove useful to you some time in the near future...”

[21]. In this speech Che defined very precisely his revolutionary thesis for the Third World and the integration of the struggle for national liberation with socialist ideas. Che's call in Algeria on the socialist countries to give unconditional and radical support to the Third World provoked much debate. Nevertheless, history would prove him correct.

[22]. This definition of unequal exchange was part of Che's profound appeal made in Geneva on March 25, 1964, at the UN World Conference on Economics and Development in the Third World: “It is our duty to... draw to the attention of those present that while the status quo is maintained and justice is determined by powerful interests... it will be difficult to eliminate the prevailing tensions that endanger humankind.”

[23]. For Che, socialism inherently meant overcoming exploitation as an essential step toward a just and humane society. Che was outspoken on this issue in debates and was often misunderstood, as was his emphasis on the need for international unity in the struggle for socialism. Che's idea was that the international socialist forces would contribute to the economic and social development of the peoples that liberated themselves.

[24]. Che's direct participation from 1959 to 1965 in the construction of a technological and material basis for Cuban society is strongly linked to his idea of creating the new man and woman. This is a question that he constantly returned to, considering it one of the two main pillars on which a new society would be constructed. His strategy was not only to solve immediate problems but to put in place certain structures that would secure Cuba's future scientific and technological development. He was able to advance this strategy during his time as head of the Ministry of Industry. For further reading on this topic, see his speeches: “May the Universities be Filled with Negroes, Mulattos, Workers and Peasants” (1960) and “Youth and Revolution” (1964).

[25]. In his efforts to understand fully the tasks in the transition to a socialist economy, Che came to see the vital role of economic planning, especially in the construction of a socialist economy in an underdeveloped country that retained elements of capitalism. Planning is necessary because it represents the first human attempt to control economic forces and characterizes this transitional period. He warned also of the trend within socialism to reform the economic system by strengthening the market, material interests and the law of value. To counter this trend, Che advocated centralized, antibureaucratic planning that enriched consciousness. His idea was to use conscious and organized action as the fundamental driving force of planning. For further reading see his article “The Significance of Socialist Planning” (1964).
Land: COD